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Sustainable production systems antibiotics used to treat acne 500mg zithromax otc, to the extent that they enable stable or increased yields antibiotic prophylaxis for endocarditis order zithromax 100mg visa, also reduce pressure on forests and contribute to reduced deforestation rates, increasing forest cover, and climate change mitigation (Nepstad et al. However, while many studies provide evidence that these sustainable management practices increase food provision, primarily for tropical regions where previous food productions have been low (Bayala et al. Moreover, diverse multifunctional production systems may be more resilient and less vulnerable to crop failures and disasters compared to intensive production systems and therefore better adapted to climate change (Bommarco et al. However, the successful implementation of sustainable production practices that can secure future food provision requires effective governance and support by policies and local institutions (Nkonya et al. Moreover, sustainable intensification may require radical reforms of existing food production systems as well as consumption patterns (Garnett et al. Especially for developing regions, sustainable food production is strongly linked to rural populations and smallholder farmers (Garnett et al. Small-scale farming accounts for the largest share of food production in developing regions; due to their importance for food provision for most of the undernourished people in the world (Bossio et al. However, crop production and yields of smallholder farmers in developing regions, especially subSaharan Africa, are unable to keep pace with population growth and to achieve food self-sufficiency and food security (Egoh et al. Moreover, many smallholder farmers are suffering from increasing imports and foreign land investments that force many of them out of business (Daniel, 2011; Dawson et al. Instead of solely focusing on innovation and modernization of the agricultural sector to feed increasing urban populations, land use and development policies should recognize the importance of traditional knowledge and farming systems for food security, support existing smallholder farming practices, and especially assure their equal access to land, infrastructure, and markets (Dawson et al. Numerous studies indicate that these smallholder farms tend to be more productive and show higher yields on a per unit area basis as compared to large-scale intensive cultivation systems, mostly due to their higher resource and labour use efficiency, but also because of higher crop diversity, intercropping, and combinations with livestock. Thus, agricultural practices under smallholder farming systems, and not large-scale intensive farming, are mostly seen as the "backbone" of food security and poverty reduction in developing countries (Hazell et al. Many smallholder farmers in traditional production systems often already perform some sort of ecologically sustainable farming including manure application, crop diversification, and precision agriculture through targeted fertilization, weeding, and a variety of crop types adapted to different states of soil fertility (Daniel, 2011; Dawson et al. Increases in life expectancy, decreases in child mortality, and falling prevalence of many diseases suggest a positive trend in human health globally over the past two centuries. Additionally, many infectious diseases have become better understood, leading to better management and substantial reductions in disease associated morbidity and mortality (termed "the disease burden"). Some of the most significant pathogens have been eradicated (notably smallpox and rinderpest) or are near eradication pending the successful continuation of public health initiatives. These advances not only directly benefit human health, but reduce the indirect cost of disease on livelihoods, and bolster food security (and thus health) by reducing the burden of disease in livestock. Some of the most significant infectious diseases driving global mortality have been eradicated or substantially reduced as part of changing land-use patterns in developing countries. Efforts to reduce disease risk through land conversion have had substantial impacts on global disease burden, as in the reduction or eradication of malaria in many temperate zones via the in-filling of lakes and wetlands or via severe alterations like dredging or the construction of "mosquito ditches" (Hambright & Zohary, 1998; Rozsa, 1995; Willott, 2004). Such a transition may be associated with increases in quality of life for those groups of people who manage to successfully benefit from the transition (possibly via better access to a market economy or increased production of certain goods). However, other groups that do not manage to benefit from the ecological transition may find themselves worse off than before when the safety net provided by natural ecosystems is degraded. But in the developing world, underlying disparities due to poverty and social inequality complicate disease control, and often produce idiosyncratic interactions with land-use changes and environmental degradation (see Figure 5. Diseases that are comparatively treatable or eradicated in developed countries can be particularly unmanageable in degraded ecosystems, especially where humans live in close proximity to waterways, forests, or other landscape features that increase pathogen exposure from vectors or reservoirs. Furthermore, land degradation often drives short-term declines in health by disturbing the environment and releasing pathogens, in the process of advancing infrastructure that benefits human health in the long term through economic development, food security, and greater mobility and access to healthcare. In this way, the relationship between human health and the environment can have complicated trade-offs at different scales, including through the immediate relationship of any given human with their surroundings, and in the broader feedback between environmental quality and the development and maintenance of technology, infrastructure, and other anthropogenic assets. One of the most difficult elements of land degradation impacts on human health is the role biodiversity loss plays in disease emergence, a process that, by definition, includes both entirely new pathogens and those with sudden increases in prevalence. The emergence of infectious diseases is an ecological process as well as a social one; the majority of emerging pathogens (roughly 75%) are zoonotic (originate in animals, termed reservoirs) and of those, the majority originate in wildlife (Jones et al. While many pathogens are transmitted to humans by insect vectors like mosquitoes, others are spread from wildlife reservoirs into humans through a process called spillover, which can occur directly, or indirectly propagated by livestock or domesticated animals (Johnson et al.

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The latter forms of knowledge tend to have highly formalized rules of statement virus colorado generic 250 mg zithromax with visa, description and debate antibiotic bone cement discount 500mg zithromax mastercard. By contrast, practical geopolitical reasoning tends to be of a common-sense type which relies on the narratives and binary distinctions found in societal mythologies. In the case of colonial discourse, there are contrasts between white and non-white, civilized and backward, Western and non-Western, adult and child. The operation of such distinctions in European foreign policy during the age of empire is well known (Kiernan, 1969; Gates, 1985). In Cold War discourse the contrast was, as Truman codified it in his famous Truman Doctrine statement of March 1947, between a way of life based upon the will of the majority and distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion and freedom from political oppression versus a way of life based on the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. Such were the criteria by which places were to be judged and spatially divided into different geographical camps in the post-war period. Our third thesis is that the study of geopolitical reasoning necessitates studying the production of geographical knowledge within a particular state and throughout the modern world system. Geographical knowledge is produced at a multiplicity of different sites throughout not only the nation-state, but the world political community. From the classroom to the livingroom, the newspaper office to the film studio, the pulpit to the presidential office, geographical knowledge about a world is being produced, reproduced and modified. The challenge for the student of geopolitics is to understand how geographical knowledge is transformed into the reductive geopolitical reasoning of intellectuals of statecraft. How are places reduced to security commodities, to geographical abstractions which need to be "domesticated", controlled, invaded or bombed rather than understood in their complex reality? How, for example, did Truman metamorphose the situation in Greece in March 1947-it was the site of a complex civil war at the time-into the Manichean terms of the Truman Doctrine? The answer we suspect is rather ironic given the common-sense meaning of geography as "place facts": geopolitical reasoning works by the active suppression of the complex geographical reality of places in favor of controllable geopolitical abstractions. Our fourth thesis concerns the operation of geopolitical reasoning within the context of the modern world-system. Throughout the history of the modern world-system, intellectuals of statecraft from core states-particularly those states which are competing for hegemony-have disproportionate influence and power over how international political space is represented. A hegemonic world power, such as the United States in the immediate post-war period, is by definition a "rule-writer" for the world community. Concomitant with its material power is the power to represent world politics in certain ways. Those in power within the institutions of the hegemonic state become the deans of world politics, the administrators, regulators and geographers of international affairs. Their power is a power to constitute the terms of geopolitical world order, an ordering of international space which defines the central drama of international politics in particularistic ways. Thus not only can they represent in their own terms particular regional conflicts, whose causes may be quite localized. Examples of this range from the institutionalization of laws to suppress "Communism" in certain states (even though the state may not have an organized Communist movement; the laws are simply ways to suppress a broad range of dissent;. Such is obviously a vast undertaking and we wish to make but three general observations on the contours of American geopolitical reasoning. Before doing so, however, it is important to note two factors about the American case. It is a formidable power but not an absolute power, for the art of description and appropriation. The generation of such resonances often requires the repetition and recycling of certain themes and images even though the socio-historical context of their use may have changed dramatically. One has the attempted production of continuity by the incorporation of "strategic terms" (Turton, 1984), "key metaphors" (Crocker, 1977) and "key symbols" (Herzfeld, 1982) into geopolitical reasoning. Behind all of these is the assumption of a power of appropriateness in the use of certain relatively fixed terms and phrases (Parkin, 1978). Secondly, we must recognize that American involvement with world politics has followed a distinctive cultural logic or set of presuppositions and orientations, what Gramsci called "Americanismo" (De Grazia, 1984­85). In particular, economic freedom- in the form of "free" business activity and the political conditions necessary for this-has been a central element in American culture. This has given rise to an attempt to reconstruct foreign places in an American image. The first of our three observations on practical geopolitical reasoning in American foreign policy is that representations of "America" as a place are pervasively mythological. Ever since early modern times, North America and the Caribbean have had the transgressive aura of a place "beyond the line", as Dunn (1972: ch.

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The negative impact of land degradation on ecosystem services frequently acts in concert with other stressors antibiotics for sinus infection diarrhea purchase 500mg zithromax with amex, such as socioeconomic change bacteria killing light zithromax 500 mg, climate variability, political instability and inefficient or ineffective institutions {3. The combined result is decreased livelihood security among the most vulnerable members of society {2. The economic benefits of sustainable land management practices and/or restoration actions to avoid, reduce and reverse land degradation have been shown to exceed their costs in many places (established but incomplete), but their overall effectiveness is context-dependent (well established). A variety of sustainable land management practices, such as agroforestry, soil and water conservation techniques and river-channel restoration, have been shown to be effective in avoiding, reducing and reversing land degradation in both rural and urban settings (well established) {1. Such practices and restoration actions generally produce positive results, but their effectiveness depends on the degree to which they address the nature, extent and severity of underlying drivers and processes of degradation, and the biophysical, social, economic and political settings in which they are implemented {1. For example, land management practices based on indigenous and local knowledge, and community-based natural resource management systems, have been effective in avoiding and reversing land degradation in many regions {1. For instance, recent advances in valuing ecosystem services, as well as the non-market benefits of ecological restoration and subsequent incorporation of such values in benefit-cost analyses of restoration projects, with sociallyappropriate discount rates, show that restoration investments are economically beneficial. Across biomes, at the global level the benefits of restoration are estimated to exceed the costs by an average margin of 10 to 1 {6. In several Asian and African countries, the cost of inaction has been estimated to be 3. However, the negative impacts of land degradation on human well-being are likely to be more pronounced in locations where degradation overlaps with poverty, low institutional capacity and weak social safety nets. Change in soil organic carbon is modelled relative to estimated quantities prior to anthropogenic land use and land cover change. Desertification is defined as land degradation in arid, semi-arid and dry sub-humid areas (collectively called drylands) because of human activities and climatic variations. Drylands are particularly susceptible to land degradation when one or more of the following features are present: low-productivity ecosystems; easily degradable soils; highly variable temperature and rainfall; and dense and rapidly growing populations of economically marginalized populations (well established) {3. These interrelated characteristics contribute to high rates of poverty and limit the capacity of populations to develop local mechanisms for coping with increasingly severe episodic or chronic deficits of food, water, energy and physical security (well established) {3. For example, degradation in drylands is one reason why grain yields in sub-Saharan Africa failed to increase between 1960 and 2005, despite increases in all other world regions. Land degradation acts in concert with other socioeconomic stressors to result in increased local or regional violent conflict and out-migration from severely degraded areas (established but incomplete) {5. When the rainfall is less than a tenth of its expected value, an increase of up to 45 per cent in communal conflict has been observed {5. By 2050, 50 to 700 million people are projected to have migrated as a result of the combination of climate change and land degradation. Migrants can come into conflict with prior residents of the areas into which they move, especially if the destinations also have a fully used or degraded resource base {5. An estimated 76­79 per cent of poultry and pork are fully raised in intensive systems {3. While intensive livestock systems often reduce greenhouse gas emissions per unit of protein produced, they can have multiple negative indirect and off-site impacts on ecosystem services if not properly managed {2. The waste streams from intensive production systems can result in air pollution, water contamination, human health impacts and eutrophication of freshwater ecosystems {4. Between 2000 and 2009, land degradation was responsible for annual global emissions of 3. The main processes include deforestation and forest degradation, the drying and burning of peatlands, and the decline of carbon content in many cultivated soils and rangelands as a result of excessive disturbance and insufficient return of organic matter to the soil {4. Climate change will be an increasingly important driver of land degradation throughout the twenty-first century {3. Changes in temperature and rainfall patterns will result in range shifts and in some cases extinction of species, causing a modification in both the composition and functioning of ecosystems, not necessarily constituting degradation {3. In mountainous and high latitude regions, permafrost melt and glacier retreat will result in mass land movements such as landslides and surface subsidence, and increased greenhouse gas emissions {3. In forests, the likelihood of wildfires, pest and disease outbreaks increases in scenarios where droughts and hot spells are projected to be more frequent {3. The increased use of intensive livestock production systems with high off-site impacts increases the risk of degradation in other ecosystems (established but incomplete). Global demand for livestock products is projected to double between 2000 and 2050, while competition for land between livestock grazing and other land uses, such as cropping, mining and human settlements, continues to increase (well established) {3. In extreme cases, changing land condition has led to a reduction of up to 90 per cent in the ability of rangelands to support large herbivores {4. The impacts have been particularly pronounced in drylands, where 69 per cent of global livestock production occurs and livestock production is often the only viable agricultural activity {3.

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References:

  • https://www.economicstrategygroup.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/FINAL-Book.pdf
  • https://katsmpo.files.wordpress.com/2012/10/kalamazoomi_walkabilityworkshop_walc-institute_2014.pdf
  • https://www.scienceopen.com/document_file/4755ff66-121e-4c67-ae36-5de4248f6164/PubMedCentral/4755ff66-121e-4c67-ae36-5de4248f6164.pdf
  • https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/administrative/lawyer_assistance/ls_colap_well-being_toolkit_for_lawyers_legal_employers.pdf